This article proposes that stigmas connected to social categories of exclusion prevalent during life extend into dealings with the dead, here referred to as ‘necro‐ostracism’, in the context of death and burial of Muslim nomadic populations in urban Afghanistan. Based on qualitative fieldwork carried out in Kabul, Herat, and Mazar‐e Sharif, it explores how the unequal status of pastoral and peripatetic nomads, mediated through a combination of legal status and social stereotypes, renders one group integrated and protected and another stateless. This status in life crosses over into people's differential and often unclear status in death, creating conflicts and problems associated with burial decisions for families based on their general social position in society. This positioning was exacerbated after the US‐led armed intervention in 2001, when access to land, particularly state‐owned as well as agricultural and pasture‐land, became a potent political currency in Afghanistan. Land grabbing – even of cemeteries – became a lucrative source of income and way to establish political loyalties. Taking an approach that focuses on inter‐community negotiation, the article considers how the different statuses of these structurally similar communities is navigated in the interaction between nomadic communities and burial gatekeepers.

中文翻译：

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游牧民族在哪里埋葬死者？阿富汗的死灵排斥、无国籍和牧区/巡游区的鸿沟


本文提出，与生前普遍存在的社会排斥类别相关的耻辱延伸到与死者打交道，这里被称为“死灵-排斥”，在阿富汗城市穆斯林游牧人口死亡和埋葬的背景下。基于在喀布尔、赫拉特和马扎里沙里夫进行的定性田野调查，它探讨了游牧和游牧民族的不平等地位如何通过法律地位和社会刻板印象的结合而得到调解，使一个群体融入和保护，而另一个群体则成为无国籍群体。这种生活状态跨越到人们的差异性且通常不明确的死亡状态，从而造成与家庭根据他们在社会中的一般社会地位做出的埋葬决定相关的冲突和问题。2001 年以美国为首的武装干预后，这种定位更加严重，当时获得土地，特别是国有土地以及农业和牧场土地，成为阿富汗的一种强有力的政治货币。掠夺土地——甚至是墓地——成为有利可图的收入来源和建立政治忠诚度的方式。本文采用一种侧重于社区间协商的方法，考虑了这些结构相似的社区的不同状态如何在游牧社区和墓地守门人之间的互动中导航。