select sample is a limitation of the study. The work-family dilemmas of less educated, low-paid, and immigrant women in these wealthy nations likely are quite different, as Collins acknowledges. While some might argue that if even privileged women struggle to integrate work and family, we can infer the problem is serious for all women. However, the challenges faced by disadvantaged mothers may not only be a matter of intensity but a matter of kind: the struggles of disadvantaged women may be unique and not well identified by studying middle-class women. For example, the reliance on market solutions for childcare produces wide variance in the quality and cost of care, with low-wage workers caught in a fragile net of childcare solutions. I hope Collins’ research inspires similar in-depth studies of women in different social locations across these varying political and cultural work-family contexts. Collins powerfully rejects the concept of work-family balance to encourage a social movement for work-family justice. Through this, Collins calls for a stronger safety net for American families and a suite of policies that enable each person to have “the opportunity and power to fully participate in both paid work and family care” (p. 7). As the recent pandemic has laid bare, the need for work-family justice has never been more important.

中文翻译：

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Kelly, EL 和 Moen, P. (2020)。超载：好工作如何变坏以及我们能做些什么

选择样本是研究的局限。正如柯林斯承认的那样，这些富裕国家中受教育程度较低、收入低的移民女性的工作与家庭困境可能完全不同。虽然有些人可能会争辩说，即使是享有特权的女性也很难将工作和家庭融为一体，但我们可以推断这个问题对所有女性来说都是严重的。然而，弱势母亲所面临的挑战可能不仅是强度问题，而且是种类问题：弱势女性的斗争可能是独一无二的，并且无法通过研究中产阶级女性来很好地识别。例如，托儿服务对市场解决方案的依赖导致了托儿服务质量和成本的巨大差异，低薪工人陷入了托儿解决方案的脆弱网络中。我希望柯林斯的研究能够激发对这些不同政治和文化工作家庭背景下不同社会地点的女性进行类似的深入研究。柯林斯强烈反对工作与家庭平衡的概念，以鼓励争取工作与家庭正义的社会运动。通过这一点，柯林斯呼吁为美国家庭建立更强大的安全网，并制定一套政策，使每个人都能“有机会和权力充分参与有偿工作和家庭护理”（第 7 页）。随着最近的大流行暴露出来，工作与家庭正义的需求从未像现在这样重要。柯林斯呼吁为美国家庭建立更强大的安全网，并制定一套政策，使每个人都能“有机会和权力充分参与有偿工作和家庭护理”（第 7 页）。随着最近的大流行暴露出来，工作与家庭正义的需求从未像现在这样重要。柯林斯呼吁为美国家庭建立更强大的安全网，并制定一套政策，使每个人都能“有机会和权力充分参与有偿工作和家庭护理”（第 7 页）。随着最近的大流行暴露出来，工作与家庭正义的需求从未像现在这样重要。