The apparent loss of initial obstruents in Basque borrowings from Romance (e.g.laru≪ Lat.claru) is striking. While Proto-Basque is generally reconstructed as lacking initial clusters, the expected repair in loans, based on typology, phonology and phonetics, is copy-vowel epenthesis, not obstruent loss. Indeed, there is evidence for a vowel-copy process in Basque in other loans with obstruent–sonorant clusters (e.g.gurutze≪ Lat.cruce). We suggest that initial obstruent loss before /l/ but not /r/ is related to Romance developments. In the Romance varieties in contact with Basque, /fl pl bl kl gl/ all show evidence of neutralisation to /ʎ/ word-initially. We hypothesise that obstruent loss in words like Basquelarureflects influence from local Romance languages at a time when Basque lacked /ʎ/. In contrast, vowel copy conforming to Basque syllable structure was the norm in Romance loanwords with clusters not affected by this process.

中文翻译：

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初始阻塞-响音簇中的意外阻塞损失：巴斯克语的一个明显例子

巴斯克从 Romance 借来的初始障碍明显消失（例如拉鲁≪ 纬度。克拉鲁) 是惊人的。虽然原始巴斯克语通常被重建为缺乏初始集群，但基于类型学、音系学和语音学的预期修复贷款是复制元音补充，而不是阻碍损失。事实上，有证据表明在巴斯克语的其他带有阻塞-响音簇的贷款中存在元音复制过程（例如古鲁策≪ 纬度。十字路口）。我们认为 /l/ 而不是 /r/ 之前的初始阻碍性损失与浪漫发展有关。在与巴斯克语接触的浪漫变体中，/fl pl bl kl gl/ 都显示出中和 /ʎ/ 词首的证据。我们假设像巴斯克语这样的词的阻碍性损失拉鲁反映了巴斯克语缺乏 /ʎ/ 时当地罗曼语系的影响。相比之下，符合巴斯克音节结构的元音复制是罗曼语借词中的规范，其簇不受此过程的影响。